Candidates unanimous on redistricting reform

Why did Republican gubernatorial candidate Bob McDonnell change his mind after many years and announce his own plan to alter the way legislative districts are drawn? Perhaps he and Lt. Gov. Bill Bolling arm-wrestled over policies where the ticket-mates differed. Bolling is a longtime supporter of efforts to create a bipartisan commission.

Perhaps McDonnell would prefer not to spend three-quarters of his term in court if he's elected. With the state Senate controlled by Democrats and Republicans defending their majority in the House of Delegates, there's a chance the legislature will have trouble reaching agreement on new districts after the 2010 census.

Perhaps he had a simple change of heart.

It doesn't really matter why McDonnell changed his mind. It's extraordinarily important that he did. His newfound support brings the state to a historic moment.

All four men running for governor now say they will change the way Virginia's political maps are drawn to make the process more open and democratic. The three Democrats are already on the record. State Sen. Creigh Deeds has been the most diligent advocate for reform, sponsoring redistricting legislation for the past seven years. Brian Moran supported those efforts as a delegate, and Terry McAuliffe endorsed the idea.

The once-a-decade exercise in remapping Virginia may seem boring and esoteric, but the results affect every community and every individual in the state. In short, the process determines who controls decisions affecting schools, health care and roads.

In the past, districts were shaped by party leaders huddled in private alcoves near the state Capitol. Their primary concern was to draw districts that guaranteed the re-election of their own incumbents while picking off a few vulnerable members of the other party. A handful of public hearings did little to ensure voters a meaningful say in the process.

Kenneth Stroupe Jr., chief of staff at the University of Virginia Center for Politics, described the negative effects in a report earlier this year. In four House elections over the past decade, the highest number of competitive races for any given year was 14 out of 100 seats. Competitive races were defined as those won by 55 percent of the vote or less. The 40-member Senate's most competitive election cycle yielded only eight real contests.

In every election for the previous 10 years, a majority of all legislative seats were uncontested or featured only one major-party candidate and a third-party opponent. Voter turnout was 7 to 12 percentage points lower in uncontested races.

No matter who is elected governor in November, the General Assembly may not welcome his suggestions for improving redistricting. But the governor can establish a bipartisan commission and give it the resources to craft its own political maps with compact districts representing identifiable communities of interest.

Voters will then have a chance to compare that version with the one favored by state lawmakers, and they can decide for themselves which one serves them best.